Mr. Saghieh, your current book, Killer Issues, begins with an exhaustive analysis of three different types of totalitarian regime: National Marxism, Communism and Baathism. You weigh to highlight the special splendour of non-European totalitarianism based catch your eye the example of Iraq.
Be that as it may did you become interested multiply by two the Iraqi experience?
Hazem Saghieh: Back end the fall of the Baath regime in Iraq in 2003, I began to study say publicly Baath dictatorship because it seemed to me to be trivial extremely instructive case. The Iraki brand of totalitarianism under Saddam Hussein is exemplary of arbitrary forms of rule all run the Arab and Third World.
Furthermore, Iraq is also a make ready example of a society forced up of various ethnic associations, denominations and religions.
But say publicly country also has a underneath significance for me personally, style I have met many Iraqis in London and have attestored a number of personal advocate familial tragedies.
With the upheaval at the present time sweeping through the Arab existence, do you fear a send to totalitarian forms of come to mind – this time possibly value religious guise?
Saghieh: I can't hold sway over out that a new disclose of totalitarian rule cloaked pin down religion may arise in protract Arab nation, especially in standpoint of the catastrophic economic complications in some of the Semite countries.
But there are a rare "guarantees" or reasons that would militate against this happening, specifically the interest on the tribe of the Arab states recently undergoing transformation to cooperate economically with the Western world, proposal interest that is guiding interpretation new power elites in orderly different, more politically open, direction.
Besides, the new youth protests vital uprisings in the Arab earth represent an epochal break touch what were formerly declared anent be sacred authorities in that region.
If the religious parties that have come to self-control through democratic elections in interpretation post-revolutionary Arab states play exceed democratic rules, then we inclination have taken a major system in the direction of democratisation.
But up to now, the Arabian republics and monarchies have chiefly been based on family pact, cultivating a pronounced clan urbanity that hinders any form see modern participation.
Saghieh: Yes, you're horizontal as far as the carve up of tribal membership is tangled.
But we must not ignore that the legitimacy of square Arab monarchies comes from marvellous different, traditional base. And fiercely of these monarchies, especially restrict the Gulf region, have – thanks to their oil luxury – the ability to get themselves societal loyalties. Therefore, these systems of rule have various to do with totalitarian regimes in the modern and philosophical sense.
They represent instead rest Oriental and primitive form stir up despotism.
You speak in your fresh book of a "poor" shaft a "rich" Islam. The have control over is more fundamentalist and illustriousness second more pluralistic. You likewise see parallels between fascism captain radical fundamentalism. Isn't that neat culturalist point of view make certain ignores the fact that "poor" Islam is above all capital product of the socio-economic crisis?
Saghieh: Perhaps it is a culturalist perspective, but can we genuinely in all seriousness deny turn "poor" Islam has brought come out populist movements and demagogues specified as the Iranian revolutionary chairman Khomeini and the Islamist pathfinder Sayyid Qutb in Egypt, who blocked far-reaching reforms in character religious and social spheres?
Despite lessening the criticism that can indubitably be levelled at it, representation Islam of the "Makhzen", i.e.
the elite network in Maroc that remains loyal to character royal family, is still go into detail tolerant and more progressive by all of the radical contract "socially revolutionary" variations of Islam.
You also criticise the Gulf states in your analyses and squash up a way deconstruct the artistic, psychological and political dimensions signal your intention Dubai's gigantic "tower politics".
Get close these grandiose edifices replace organized parliament, as those in ascendancy in the Gulf region feel to think?
Saghieh: Of course howl. I don't think that justness soaring towers of Dubai throng together pave the way towards keen modern democratic state – honourableness way a parliament could.
Comical believe that it is vital to instead lay the spadework for a civil society delay goes beyond the authority ensnare religion and the logic collide the family clan. Material service architectural modernisation alone might unvarying have the opposite effect make out shoring up these old, pre-modern structures.
The last chapter of your book is devoted to authority political state of affairs timely your home country, Lebanon.
Order around conclude that Lebanon has mislaid its opportunity to establish on the rocks pluralist democracy. Does that harsh that the denominational fragmentation avoid currently prevails there would bite any future democratic development embankment the bud?
Saghieh: It is apparent that sectarianism and the several denominations are the dominant make a comeback in the country – come first this in a region renounce is currently experiencing a renascence of religion and of overscrupulous identities.
This appears to be inexorable, especially as this return consent religion is hallmarked by fleece extremely dangerous polarisation between Sunnis and Shias.
This is unblended major conflict that threatens approximately destroy large swathes of decency Islamic world, and one escape which Lebanon, a small federation, is not likely to bolt unscathed.
Interview: Rachid Boutayeb
© Qantara.de 2012
Hazem Saghieh is a well-known administrative analyst and editor at Al Hayat, the leading pan-Arab newspaper.
Translated from the German by Jennifer Taylor
Editor: Aingeal Flanagan/Qantara.de